Since the World Health Organization’s of a public health emergency, over 5,200 cases of the Bundibugyo strain of the Ebola virus have been confirmed and more than in Congo, according to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

More than 550 people were in isolation with Ebola in Congo as of Aug. 7, the country’s National Public Health Institute said. Twenty cases and two deaths were reported in neighboring Uganda as well, but no new cases have been reported there since June 21, the World Health Organization said.

The in history, which hit several countries in West Africa from 2014 to 2016, claimed over 11,300 lives.

The current outbreak is only the third of the Bundibugyo strain in central Africa. Congo officials are reporting a for the rare strain, which have a vaccine. Military conflict in eastern Congo, where the outbreak is centered, has made the medical response more difficult.

“When everybody became aware of what was happening, we were already months behind where we should have been as a global community in stopping the spread of this disease,” said Erica Tavares, a senior director of the International Medical Corps.

The U.S. has pledged in response to the outbreak and enacted a , temporarily preventing non-U.S. citizens traveling from the affected region from entering the country.

Meanwhile, public health workers in Congo continue to toil against Ebola.

Below, ³Ô¹Ï²»´òìÈ profiles five organizations involved in the ongoing public health work there. A fraction of the groups working in Congo, they’re a mix of smaller, local organizations and larger, internationally known groups.

1. Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention

Africa CDC is the , in charge of helping health institutions in its member states with disease threat detection and response. With the WHO, Africa CDC announced a on June 5. The organizations said they would need more than $500 million over the following six months for the effort.

Their primary goal is to strengthen cross-border communication and collaboration under a unified “One Response” plan. Africa CDC has for travel and public gatherings, urging people to implement prevention methods including avoiding contact with bodily fluids instead of issuing blanket travel restrictions to affected areas.

2.

This subagency within the Congolese Ministry of Public Health is tasked with monitoring and documenting the virus. Institute officials are conducting on-the-ground testing and have set up laboratories in Ituri province, the area hardest hit by the virus.

In July, the agency said it had also stepped up detection and monitoring of the virus’s evolution. Genomic surveillance, or analyzing the virus’s genetic code, is an “essential tool” for containing the virus, officials said in a news release. It also helps with vaccine development, which is underway of potential vaccines.

3. Doctors Without Borders

has worked in Ituri for over two decades responding to humanitarian and medical crises. The well-known international organization provides emergency medical aid, as well as disease surveillance.

Kate White, an emergency medical coordinator for the organization, is working in Bunia, the capital of Ituri. In a phone interview, she said the financial stability and size of MSF, the abbreviation for the group’s French name, enable it to work with partner organizations in the region to distribute resources and care. More than 1,400 MSF workers are responding to the current Ebola outbreak.

Looking forward, she said, MSF will reinforce some of its existing programs, including providing general healthcare, to prepare for any additional spread of the Ebola virus.

4. International Medical Corps

Since mid-May, members have provided case management and community education specific to Ebola and the current outbreak.

IMC operates rapid response teams in the region and has established treatment centers where patients can receive medicine and other care, as well as centers where people await test results.

“We’re also supporting the continuity of primary healthcare in the most at-risk regions,” Tavares said in an interview. “We want people to continue to come to facilities.”

The training of local health professionals is a focus of IMC’s work in Congo. It is also one way the organization partners with other entities, such as .

“Historically, we’ve always had training as part of our response program,” Tavares said. “It means that [other organizations] will just have that much more capacity in the future and looking forward.”

Eventually, IMC-run facilities will be turned over to local healthcare leaders, Tavares said, and her hope is that the communities will then be better equipped to respond to future outbreaks. IMC also focuses on improving hygiene and water sanitation, she said.

5. SOFEPADI

is a Congolese nonprofit that primarily serves women and girls. The women-led organization works to prevent gender-based violence, reduce inequality, and help women take charge of their own healthcare.

In the Ebola outbreak, SOFEPADI officials say, they are working to protect women. During past outbreaks, women have been due to their increased exposure as caregivers in their communities. The functioning of communities, in turn, is dependent on the health of women. “If the women fall, the whole community falls with them,” SOFEPADI officials wrote in French in a June 1 post on their website.

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Comfortable couches in one area invite expectant parents to settle in for birth education classes. In another, a colorful pile of toys await the babies and toddlers. And there’s a free supply of diapers and food. Years ago, as Iglesias was giving birth and expressing her wish not to have an epidural for pain, she felt isolated and that her preferences were dismissed by the medical staff. Today, she works hard to make sure other parents can have the support of a doula.

“We kind of created this to fill the gaps that we realized existed because we had to go through it,” Iglesias said. She’s the founder of , a doula agency dedicated to giving parents care throughout the perinatal process.

Iglesias said one of the widest gaps is the lack of access to doula care for parents on Medicaid.

Doula care has been initiation and less maternal anxiety. The perinatal doula care covers education about pregnancy and birth, advocacy for new parents in the hospital, and help after delivery with lactation and recovery. Doulas often work alongside doctors or midwives who provide medical care.

“The doula is the person that already knows what you want. We know what your dream birth is,” Iglesias explained. “We’re somebody that is standing on the side of the parent.”

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In 2022, Virginia became the fourth state to start reimbursing doulas through Medicaid. A push to address the country’s maternal mortality rates, which are , has been an engine for lawmakers looking to give women on Medicaid the support of doula care. For example, another hospitals to allow an extra person, other than a family member, in the delivery room.

The services offered and the number of visits covered by Medicaid vary by state, but today doulas are covered in . An additional 20 states have considered proposals or are in the process of implementing similar policies.

In Virginia, doulas say the administrative and logistical challenges they encounter are trickling down to moms. A review of the Virginia Certification Board’s Doula Registry this June found based in Northern Virginia accept payment from Medicaid.

Doulas say that while Medicaid coverage of their services is a good first step, the amount of paperwork required in the approval process and the low reimbursement rates mean that fewer doulas participate in the Medicaid program, reducing access for beneficiaries.

that extended doula benefits to Medicaid enrollees sought to improve the health of Virginia parents and decrease the number of mothers who die during the time surrounding birth. The state’s maternal mortality rate is among .

As co-chair of the state’s task force on doula regulations, Iglesias helps shape policies that make it easier for moms on Medicaid to get doula care through the program.

To access doula services in Virginia, parents on Medicaid must have a referral from a doctor, and their doula must be approved by the state to care for Medicaid beneficiaries. Iglesias would like to see that process be quicker and less costly for doulas, who pay $75-$150 for certification.

While the policy debates continue, Iglesias has decided not to get certified to care for parents on Medicaid. Instead, she raises money to provide doula care for parents on Medicaid outside the system.

“I don’t want to be state-certified with a training that I feel is not full and complete, a training that doesn’t touch on that community aspect of work,” she said.

Iglesias said the services covered are too limited and Medicaid does not allow her to work with clients as she sees fit. Virginia’s payment covers up to eight doula visits. All but the first visit are limited to one hour, which Iglesias said isn’t enough time.

“If you want to actually build a relationship with this person that you’re going to be standing in with in their most vulnerable moment, it ain’t happening,” Iglesias said.

While pursuing her PhD at George Mason University, studied the initial implementation of the doula reimbursement policy in Virginia.

Mensah from 2022 to 2024 for a study published this year. She interviewed doulas eager to serve clients on Medicaid. But some told her they got bogged down in the paperwork and never were certified. Doulas report similar struggles with the certification process today.

Mensah said the mismatch between the size of the Medicaid population in Northern Virginia and the low number of doulas available leads to fewer parents receiving doula care.

Coverage is a good first step, Mensah noted, but it doesn’t translate to enough access. During the first two years of implementation, in Virginia used doula services. That study is the latest available.

Kenda Denia, executive director of , a statewide doula collective in Virginia, welcomed the law at first.

“But now we’re looking at certain logistics that are not working,” Denia said.

Private-pay doulas in Virginia $1,200 to $3,000 per pregnancy. For families wanting more extensive prenatal or postpartum services, the fee can be as much as $6,000. Virginia’s Medicaid program, also known as Cardinal Care, per pregnancy. They receive an additional $100 if their client attends prenatal and postpartum doctors’ visits.

The pay is too low and does not reflect the value of the services they provide, Denia said. “Midwives don’t get paid this. Doctors don’t get paid this,” she explained. “We are driving to people’s homes for postpartum and prenatal care.”

Doulas might wait weeks or months for reimbursement, and the pay is not flexible. The Medicaid reimbursement rate is the same across the state and does not capture the in areas like Alexandria. It’s roughly 32% more expensive in Alexandria than the average cost of living in Virginia, according to ERI Economic Research Institute, a private data analytics group.

Despite the barriers, Denia applauded parts of the policy. Medicaid coverage of doulas means that more parents can have a “birthing bestie,” she said.

Before getting pregnant, Juliana Navia had no idea what doulas did. But while at a free clinic for her prenatal checkups, Navia connected with Iglesias. Later, Iglesias became Navia’s doula and helped her navigate a difficult situation when she wasn’t getting the kind of care she wanted at the hospital.

“I was stressed giving birth, but my doula helped me,” Navia said. “I was advocated for.”

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For years, Washington, D.C., has paid for Medicaid — the state-federal health insurance program for low-income people — out of its general budget. But next year, the city is shifting part of that recurring multimillion-dollar cost to a new funding source: opioid settlement dollars.

That’s raising red flags for addiction recovery advocates, people directly affected by the crisis, and the commission in charge of recommending how the city uses its share of the settlement money.

The come from a host of companies that made or distributed prescription painkillers and were accused of fueling the overdose crisis. State and local governments nationwide are set to receive more than $50 billion over almost two decades. Washington, D.C.’s cut is expected to .

The money is meant to remediate the addiction crisis, often by increasing services or funding new programs.

But many states are facing increasing fiscal pressures as they are squeezed by inflation, federal funding cuts, and rising costs. Some officials have been tempted to turn to opioid settlement cash as a budget stopgap — an idea that can trigger opposition and outrage from recovery advocates and people who have struggled with opioid addiction and their family members.

“These funds were awarded to D.C. for very specific reasons and with a specific mandate, which are to remediate issues related to the opioid crisis in new and innovative ways,” said Queen Adesuyi, a partner at , a consulting group for community-based organizations, who is crying foul over the proposed fiscal year 2027 budget.

A document provided to ³Ô¹Ï²»´òìÈ shows line items in the district’s fiscal 2027 budget that would direct about $2.3 million in opioid settlement funds to help pay for the city’s Medicaid contribution and at least $5.5 million to support addiction treatment centers previously funded through the general budget. Substituting opioid settlement dollars for general funding keeps overall spending on treatment flat instead of increasing.

“Opioid settlement dollars are not meant to be a rainy-day fund for existing government obligations,” said , associate director of the Center on Addiction and Public Policy at Georgetown Law’s O’Neill Institute.

More than 80 individuals and 30 city organizations protesting this use of settlement dollars, saying the district’s planned to spend opioid cash to “pay off its own debts.” The letter was sent to DBH Director Barbara Bazron; the chair of the D.C. Council’s Committee on Health, ; and Attorney General .

Chad Jackson, himself in recovery, chairs the district’s , which was created to advise the city on how to spend its settlement dollars. Jackson called the latest move supplantation, a budgeting tactic that shifts money from one fund to another to free up dollars.

“If the opioid settlement funds were not there, I feel pretty confident that these things would have been funded, because they have to be funded,” Jackson said.

What’s happening now is against the district’s opioid litigation law, he said.

The that money from the district’s opioid abatement fund “shall supplement, and not supplant.”

“It’s a pretty tightly written law where the intent is very clear: Do not supplant,” Weizman said.

Adesuyi, an advocate for programs that help people who use drugs, said the council is flouting that law and that it’s a “slap in the face.”

Councilmember Henderson and Attorney General Schwalb weighed in too.

“We are also concerned that DBH may be using the settlement monies for other unauthorized purposes,” they wrote in a to the department. They highlighted the $2.3 million used to cover the city’s Medicaid contribution and asked the department to explain by July 31 how it determined that was legal.

It’s unclear whether the Department of Behavioral Health met that deadline. DBH, Henderson’s office, and the attorney general’s office did not respond to that specific question.

However, DBH spokesperson said in a statement that the department is “committed to compliance with all statutory requirements governing opioid settlement funds.” The department’s general position has been that its budget was approved by the council, and that the funding supports efforts that counter opioid addiction.

The council “passed a legally-certified budget for the next fiscal year that makes the best use of all local resources, including the opioid settlement fund, to award grants to 17 community-based providers who last year served nearly 9,800 residents including 3,500 in medication-assisted treatment for opioid addiction,” Reed told ³Ô¹Ï²»´òìÈ.

The district’s budget is pending a 30-day “congressional review,” which is the last step in its .

Still, some residents like Adesuyi want more accountability for how the opioid money is spent.

“The drug supply is getting a lot more unpredictable, which calls for some nimbleness, and it calls for interventions that are more courageous. Unfortunately, DBH is not meeting the mark when it comes to that,” Adesuyi said, adding, “It’s frustrating, it’s disappointing, and it’s enraging because people are dying unnecessarily in the district to overdose.”

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“I have been vaccinating people throughout my entire career in uniformed services. I believe in vaccines,” Schwartz said at the hearing. “I do believe that mRNA technology is safe and effective.”

Her position contrasts with that of Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., who ousted Trump’s previous CDC director, Susan Monarez, after she sparred with him over vaccines. Kennedy, a longtime anti-vaccine activist, has baselessly called mRNA vaccines the deadliest ever made.

Schwartz “has dedicated her career to protecting the health of the American people.” Emily Hilliard, an HHS spokesperson, said in an emailed statement. “The president nominated her because of that exemplary record, and Secretary Kennedy looks forward to working with her to advance the Administration’s public health priorities.”

The CDC has had a Senate-confirmed leader for only about one month during Trump’s second term, and the agency has been roiled over the administration’s cuts to public health funding, firings of scientists and other career employees, and efforts to scale back childhood vaccines and access to covid shots.

Schwartz, who was deputy surgeon general in Trump’s first administration and is a former chief medical officer for the Coast Guard, has support in the public health community, where it’s hoped she can restore credibility at the agency she would lead.

“I will follow the science wherever it leads,” Schwartz told senators. “My first priority will be restoring trust in public health institutions.”

Democrats and some Republicans have expressed doubt that Schwartz will maintain any more independence from Kennedy than Monarez, who has said she was fired in August after refusing to sign off on changes Kennedy demanded to vaccine recommendations and personnel cuts. In a released by Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), it was revealed Kennedy had pressured Monarez to change CDC guidance regarding the universal childhood flu vaccine.

Monarez “refused to act as a rubber stamp for Secretary Kennedy’s very dangerous agenda,” Sanders said July 15 at the Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee’s confirmation hearing for Schwartz. “Frankly, she stood up for protecting the well-being of the American people.”

The chairman of the HELP Committee, Sen. Bill Cassidy (R-La.), pressed Schwartz on whether she would push back against rhetoric or policies not based in science.

“We need unbiased leaders who make decisions based upon science, not politics or ideology,” Cassidy said. “This is not a theoretical.”

Cassidy, a physician, has also quarreled with Kennedy over vaccines. He lost a Republican primary for reelection in May after Trump endorsed one of his opponents. Despite his rupture with the White House, Schwartz almost certainly needs Cassidy’s support to win confirmation. That requires publicly committing to support vaccination and mainstream science.

Schwartz told the committee she would “never compromise” on science.

“The president would never ask me to not follow the law,” she said. “But I will always follow the law.”

Many Democrats on the committee raised concerns about the administration’s politicization of public health. Sen. Tammy Baldwin (D-Wis.) asked about the “political scrubbing” of research grants. Trump officials have canceled many research grants under the CDC and the National Institutes of Health for political reasons, including targeting diversity, equity, and inclusion efforts.

“Restoring trust to the CDC is my No. 1 priority,” Schwartz said. “Scientific integrity is core.”

The American Public Health Association’s CEO, Georges Benjamin, , saying she “possesses the medical background and public health knowledge to understand that the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention must be guided by evidence-based science.”

The APHA has fought many of Trump’s initiatives on public health. After Monarez’s resignation, the organization titled “Kennedy’s attack on public health must be stopped.”

Schwartz told the committee that if she is confirmed, she is committed to “radical transparency” and modernization.

Schwartz expressed support for one Kennedy initiative: She told senators she believes nutrition education and physical fitness assessments are important.

“I am all in on the Make America Healthy Again agenda,” she said.

At the July 15 hearing, Schwartz faced questioning alongside Trump’s pick for HHS assistant secretary for preparedness and response, Sean Kaufman.

Cassidy called out Kaufman for past comments casting doubt on the efficacy of vaccines. The senator raised his voice as he accused Kaufman of spreading “those damn lies.”

Kaufman was conciliatory. “Let me be clear: Vaccines save lives,” he said. “They are safe and effective.”

If confirmed by the Senate, Schwartz will replace Jay Bhattacharya, who is performing the duties of CDC director but is not officially the acting director. Bhattacharya is also the director of the NIH.

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In preliminary filings with state regulators, insurers are seeking a median rate increase of 14% for 2027, according to in 16 states and the District of Columbia by the Peterson-KFF Health System Tracker.

If those rates are ultimately approved, it would be the second-highest increase since 2018.

That would be a “triple whammy” for consumers, said Cynthia Cox, a senior vice president and the director of the Program on the ACA at KFF, because they have already had to pay higher premiums in 2026 and saw the expiration of more generous tax credits to offset their premiums at the end of last year.

President Joe Biden sought to bolster the program known as Obamacare by enacting more generous tax subsidies, driving down out-of-pocket costs for consumers and increasing enrollment to more than 20 million Americans. But under President Donald Trump, Republicans have sought to scale back taxpayer support for ACA coverage, allowing the Biden-era enhanced subsidies to expire.

As of February, ACA enrollment had fallen by about 3 million people compared with the same time last year. While Cox and other policy experts say that’s because increased costs for the plans drove out people who feel they can get by without insurance, the Trump administration asserts that much of the enrollment growth under Biden .

The main factor driving proposed premium increases for 2027, as in most years, is the rising cost and use of medical care.

There’s growing demand for costly specialty medications and for the weight loss drugs known as GLP-1s, the Peterson-KFF report notes.

But the report also said that about 4 percentage points’ worth of the premium increases insurers proposed are due to lasting effects of the expiration of enhanced subsidies. Insurers expect that with young and healthy people leaving the program rather than paying higher premiums, their remaining customers will be older, sicker, and therefore costlier on average.

 “It’s likely that the people who dropped their coverage were also the healthier people, because sicker people were probably going to try to make it work however they could, to stretch their budget to keep their health insurance,” said Cox, of KFF, a health information nonprofit that includes ³Ô¹Ï²»´òìÈ.

In their rate filings, some insurers also said they had to raise premiums partly because of policy changes by the Trump administration that are expected to make it harder for some people to enroll.

Together with the expiration of the larger subsidies, the new rules “account for 12.7% of the requested rate change,” the insurer UnitedHealthcare wrote in its rate filing with New York state, according to the Peterson-KFF report.

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Even as prescription drug costs rise, patients with commercial insurance have slowed their use of manufacturer-sponsored drug coupons in recent years, according to April 6 by the Journal of the American Medical Association.

Manufacturers are offering just as many of them, “but still, we see a lot of affordability issues among this commercially insured population,” said So-Yeon Kang, the study’s main author, who is an assistant professor of health management and policy at Georgetown University.

“Patients are at the intersection and battle place between these payers and manufacturers,” she said.

Drug manufacturers distribute copay coupon cards to consumers online or in person at the pharmacy counter. These manufacturer-sponsored coupons are not the same as discount card services from companies like GoodRx, which negotiate lower bulk pricing for prescription drugs, then pass those savings along to the consumer.

Manufacturers issue the coupons to keep their drugs competitive by offering patients short-term savings. Consumers pay less out-of-pocket, often for brand-name drugs. This encourages patients to use the brand-name version of the drug, even when a cheaper, generic version might be available.

Some insurers say this unfairly puts them on the hook for pricier drugs. They say monthly premiums are higher as a result, punishing consumers and patients, not the manufacturers.

So, should you use manufacturer-sponsored prescription drug coupons when they are offered?

The short answer: It depends.

Here are five things to consider:

1. What if you do not have insurance?

If you are uninsured, using a coupon can be a great way to save money, especially if there is no generic version of the drug.

TrumpRx is a new federally funded initiative that acts as a prescription drug coupon dashboard for patients. Some of the coupons come from manufacturers, while others do not. Not every drug has a coupon offer, but the portal will save consumers money on drugs for those that do, especially in the short term.

Michelle Long, a senior policy manager at KFF who studies patient and consumer protections, said people without insurance can save money by using TrumpRx or manufacturer coupons. (KFF is the health policy research, polling, and news organization that includes ³Ô¹Ï²»´òìÈ.)

“I wouldn’t brush it off entirely because it’s got Trump’s name on it,” Long said. “For a lot of people who take certain medications, there really could be some real savings.”

Still, Long said, TrumpRx lists only about 85 drugs, among thousands approved by the FDA. It is important to note that drug coupons have limitations and guidelines. They do not last forever. When they are exhausted, uninsured consumers may have to pay full price for the drug.

2. What if you have commercial health insurance?

For people with insurance, the answer is a little more complicated.

If the drug isn’t covered by your insurance plan or if you intend to pay cash, then the coupon may be the way to go. If not, be wary.

Insurance coverage varies for certain kinds of drugs, such as GLP-1 obesity drugs. Kang’s study found that coupon use by commercial insurance holders on obesity drugs dropped from 54.6% of prescriptions in 2017 to only 2.5% in 2024, even though use of the drugs has been rising in the United States.

She said this reflects the growing number of patients paying cash for the drugs as prices decline, along with insurers’ reluctance to cover them and manufacturers’ shifting focus from coupon distribution to marketing campaigns.

3. What should you do if you expect high medical costs this year?

If you have insurance and anticipate meeting your deductible for the year through health care visits and treatments, consider using the coupons.

Coupons let you pay less out-of-pocket when you visit the pharmacy, but your insurer likely won’t count the value of the coupon toward your deductible. Only use a coupon if there is no generic option available and if you know you’d otherwise hit your deductible.

4. What if you have insurance but low overall medical costs?

The answer will almost always be: Don’t use the coupon.

Unless the drug you are looking for is not covered by your insurance plan, using coupons will put you at risk for higher indirect costs. It’s also often more advantageous to spend toward your deductible.

Watch out for copay adjustment programs that insurers use to discourage the use of drug coupons. They come in two common forms, Long said.

“” allow the use of drug coupons up to their full value, but the amount of the coupon won’t count toward patients’ deductibles or out-of-pocket maximums. That makes it harder for them to reach the threshold at which insurers will pitch in on prescriptions and other medical care. It can also mean a patient will eventually start paying the full cost of the drug because they haven’t yet met their annual deductible.

“Copay maximizers” use a similar technique that also prevents the coupon value from counting toward deductibles. Maximizer programs use a third party to over the course of a year to match the amount of the manufacturers’ coupons.

Insurers sometimes offer the programs to consumers under euphemistic names like “Employee Savings Program” that sound good in theory, but, in reality, take away some of the value of the coupons, Long said.

Initially, consumers will see savings at the pharmacy counter, but they may end up paying more in the long run.

5. What if you’re on Medicaid or Medicare?

Medicare and Medicaid beneficiaries are prohibited from using manufacturer-sponsored coupons.

A federal anti-kickback law makes it illegal to give someone anything of value to influence their decision to purchase something that will ultimately be paid for by a federal health care program. The law also prevents remuneration, which includes waiving copays and charging less than fair-market value for a product.

Manufacturer drug coupons categories.

Some states, notably California and Massachusetts, prohibit or limit the use of manufacturer drug coupons when a generic version of the drug is available — highlighting the tension among manufacturers, health plans, and the government.

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